New York Times
President Bush's diplomatic skills will get a workout over the next few days in Shanghai. Instead of talking economics, the usual subject at this annual autumn gathering of 21 Asian and Pacific Rim nations, Mr. Bush will be trying to strengthen the international coalition against terrorism that he has been assembling since Sept. 11. He should use his meetings with other leaders, including Presidents Jiang Zemin of China and Vladimir Putin of Russia, to clarify what help they are prepared to offer and what they expect in return.
China has given strong rhetorical support to the American campaign against terrorism and has shared intelligence with Washington. It appears to have encouraged Pakistan, a close ally, to stand with the United States. In return, it seems to expect America and other countries to accept its mischaracterizations of the Falun Gong spiritual movement and separatists in Tibet and Xinjiang as terrorists. Mr. Bush should firmly decline.
To reward Beijing for its assistance in the anti-terror fight, Mr. Bush may allow the resumption of some American military and high-tech exports to China that were suspended after the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989. Unfortunately, Beijing continues to be dangerously lax about its own arms exports. Any easing of American sanctions should be linked to tighter Chinese controls on the sale or transfer of unconventional weapons technologies.
Mr. Putin has moved aggressively since Sept. 11 to help Washington. Among other things, he has encouraged former Soviet republics in Central Asia like Uzbekistan to open their bases to American troops and planes. In return Mr. Putin has tried to get Washington to mute criticism of Russia's handling of Chechnya, something Mr. Bush should resist. More reasonably, Moscow is pressing Washington to slow its haste to discard the 1972 Antiballistic Missile Treaty. If the two countries can cooperate so closely against Osama bin Laden, they should be able to work out ways to amend the treaty to permit reasonable limited missile defenses.
President Megawati Sukarnoputri of Indonesia, leader of the most populous Muslim country, initially rallied to the American cause, but her government has wavered in recent weeks. She should move against the financial supporters of Indonesia's Laskar Jihad Islamic terrorists. The Philippines needs no encouragement in fighting Abu Sayyaf, an Islamic terrorist organization with ties to the bin Laden network. President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo does need advice from Washington, however, in how to do so more effectively.
Mr. Bush will not find uniform support for all his antiterrorism policies among the leaders in Shanghai. Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad of Malaysia, for one, has been notably critical. But if he can mobilize a shared sense of outrage and a recognition that terrorism is the common enemy of all decent societies, his time will be well spent.
Washington Post
Though it hasn't gotten as much public attention, the U.S. relationship with China has changed almost as dramatically as that with Russia since Sept. 11, and for some of the same reasons. Public prickliness has disappeared as the government of Jiang Zemin has supported the U.S. campaign against terrorism and even the bombing in Afghanistan -- the first time China has supported a U.S. military action since the end of the Cold War. In return, China, like Russia, expects new understanding for its brutal repression of a Muslim minority, the Uighurs, on the grounds that it is also counterterrorism. And, as with Russia, the Bush administration appears ready to make important concessions: On the eve of the first meeting between President Bush and Mr. Jiang, The Post's Steven Mufson reported that the administration was considering waiving sanctions that bar the sale of U.S. military equipment to Chinese security forces.
Though China's support in Central Asia could be important, once again the administration appears in danger of going too far, allowing the cause of counterterrorism to dominate a relationship with other vital U.S. interests. Those include curtailment of China's sales of missiles and nuclear materials, defense of Taiwan's democracy against an aggressive Chinese military buildup and promotion within China of greater freedom and human rights. China has made no concessions on any of these: In fact, U.S. officials say it once again has failed to live up to commitments it made to the United States about controlling exports of missile technology.
The White House yesterday denied that it was considering allowing the supply of spare parts for Beijing's Blackhawk helicopters, an aircraft useful in territory such as the mountain ranges along China's 54-mile-long border with Afghanistan. But officials said sales of other equipment were still possible -- and any sale would send the wrong message to Beijing's military leadership, which is engaged in a major arms buildup intended to threaten both Taiwan and the U.S. naval forces that might come to its defense.
What's more, any association with China's repression of Muslims could do serious and unnecessary damage to the Bush administration's larger political struggle for Muslim support against radical Islam. The Uighurs, an ethnic group of 8 million similar to Turks who live in the huge western province of Xinjiang, overwhelmingly practice a moderate form of Islam and, thanks to Beijing's repression, are strikingly pro-American. What most of them want is simply an end to China's relentless cultural and demographic assault, along with basic religious freedom. But in recent years some militants have carried out bombings and assassinations of Chinese officials, and a few hundred have traveled to Afghanistan or Pakistan for military or religious training.
On that basis China has characterized the entire Uighur rights movement as terrorism akin to that of Osama bin Laden -- even though the largest Uighur groups are secular, nationalist and pro-democracy. It has sentenced thousands of Uighurs to harsh prison terms or death for alleged separatist activities, and drastically curtailed religious rights; even the possession of the Koran can be grounds for arrest. Mr. Jiang will no doubt try to convince Mr. Bush that U.S. interests now lie in supporting this brutality. In fact, the opposite is true.
Mr. Bush can best serve the battle against Islamic extremists by making clear that he will not support the persecution of Muslims, in China or anywhere else.
Washington Times
Few events could better highlight the White House's multi-dimensional response to the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks than Asian-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum President Bush is attending today in Shanghai.
The summit meeting of 21 leaders of Pacific Rim nations from Asia, the Americas and Europe will be rife with controversy of the highly significant sort. As the White House tries to stamp out opportunities for terrorists to strike on every front, it is making foreign-policy decisions that typically take months, if not years, of bureaucratic wrangling to decide. Many of the White House's recent measures could strengthen relationships that will yield advantages in the future. But, the White House must be careful not to sacrifice long-term interests by over-accommodating immediate needs.
The White House is reportedly considering waiving military sanctions on China, which were imposed following the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre and have been maintained, in part, due to concern over China's suspected missile technology transfers to Pakistan. Since the United States has recently struck a strategic relationship with Pakistan and eased sanctions against that country, military exports to Pakistan may have become less of a concern. And it is certainly understandable that the White House would want to reward China for its cooperation in the war on terrorism, particularly in light of China's apparent agreement to allow the United States to open an FBI office in Beijing.
In addition, the relationship between Chinese President Jiang Zemin and Mr. Bush has been increasingly cordial -- post-spy plane standoff that is. In August, Mr. Jiang said in an interview that, based on a telephone conversation with Mr. Bush, he found "from his voice I could feel that he was a president I could do business with," adding: "Both sides share a positive desire for a good relationship."
On the other hand, the White House shouldn't feel compelled to be overly obliging of Beijing. Washington must remember that China has its own reasons for wanting to cooperate with the U.S. anti-terror campaign. After all, Beijing has long been concerned about Uyghur separatists in the largely Muslim region of Xinjiang, and al Qaeda operatives appear to have been active close to China's border. Therefore, the White House shouldn't downplay its human rights concerns and support of Taiwan in a Faustian bargain with Beijing.
And Mr. Bush is apparently arriving to the APEC meeting with a victory. According to a UPI report yesterday, leaders of APEC countries, which include two Muslim nations (Indonesia and Malaysia), have prepared a draft statement demonstrating solidarity in condemning the Sept. 11 attacks: "Leaders unequivocally condemn in the strongest terms the terrorist attacks against the United States on Sept. 11, 2001, as a profound threat to the peace, prosperity and security of all people, of all faiths, of every nation."
The administration has been admirably forward-thinking in its response to Sept. 11. It should be careful to avoid, therefore, Clintonian bandage solutions that leave new administrations with escalating problems.
Chicago Sun-Times
Now that the Soviet Union is history, we have learned that it was never the threat we feared it to be. Powerful enough to give the West a tough time here and there, but at its core it was corrupt, weak, irrational and unproductive: a tottering glass bear.
It is easy to make the same mistake with China. The most populous nation on Earth seems a menacing opponent. It seethes with nationalism, covets Taiwan, crushes opposition at home and takes every opportunity, such as the emergency landing of a U.S. spy plane last spring, to lock horns with the United States. China seemed the prime candidate to cause us future trouble, at least until Sept. 11, when it was eclipsed by more immediate threats.
But China is a paper tiger. Most Chinese live in medieval poverty. The nation is beset with problems -- unchecked pollution, hidden debt, crumbling cities -- that are ignored by its aged leaders.
This is changing, though the ability of its government to keep hold on the reins will be tested as such a backward, troubled nation hits the modern age. One China expert called the country a "lake of gasoline'' waiting for the spark from joining the World Trade Organization later this year. Lowering trade barriers to allow an influx of hungry, efficient Western corporations will destroy many of China's sheltered, lumbering, 19th century industries, throw millions out of work and ignite social unrest that even jackboot China cannot contain.
It is in our best interest that China modernize as quickly as possible without falling into dangerous disorder. President Bush travels to Shanghai today to speak at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation conference, a heretofore public relations exercise instilled with new significance as the first gathering of world leaders since Sept. 11.
Bush meets with Chinese President Jiang Zemin on Friday. They will have a lot to talk about. China is antsy about having the American military suddenly on its western border, and must be reassured we will not become a permanent presence, if we can help it.
In some areas we can't give reassurance and shouldn't try. China wants Taiwan, and it would be irresponsible of Bush to give them the slightest indication that U.S. support is wavering for that besieged democracy. Our interest in Taiwan is not merely economic and moral, but practical. Taiwan is an armed camp, and any serious Chinese aggression would unleash a bloodletting too terrible to contemplate.
Odds are the Chinese are not expecting much change regarding Taiwan. They might be more optimistic about buying advanced weapons systems from the United States, but they should be thwarted here, too. China is too likely a potential foe.
We'll have disappointments as well. Nothing we do seems to persuade China to improve human rights for its citizens. China's support for our anti-terrorism efforts has been lukewarm, but perhaps Bush's presence at the conference--a coup for the Chinese, particularly considering the strong words Bush had for them earlier this year--may embolden them to do more.
Times of crisis are also times of opportunity: witness our relationship with Pakistan. We are fortunate that, in essence, the United States and China want exactly the same thing: a stable environment to grow economic prosperity, and victory over the chaos and death wielded by the forces of international terror.
Chicago Tribune
The agony of Israeli and Palestinian violence passed a terrible new threshold Wednesday with the assassination of Israeli Tourism Minister Rehavam Zeevi. One or more gunmen lurking in the hall of his Jerusalem hotel shot Zeevi three times in the head and neck.
A radical Palestinian faction -- the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, or, the PFLP -- claimed credit, calling it revenge for the killing of its leader by Israel two months ago. Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon responded by freezing recent peace initiatives with the Palestinians, reassessing Israeli strategy and promising "a war to the finish against the terrorists."
For the Bush administration, waging war in Afghanistan, this could be disastrous for its urgent effort to calm violence between Israelis and Palestinians -- seen as essential to build and hold Arab and Muslim support for the war on terror.
For Israelis and Palestinians, the repercussions could be nothing short of catastrophic. Somehow, some way, these antagonists have to figure out the cycle of violence will produce no ultimate winner. Assassinations lead to more assassinations. The intifada is now more than a year old and hundreds have died.
The killing of Zeevi, 75, the first Cabinet minister to be slain by Palestinians, is an incalculable blow to Israelis. He was a retired major-general, a sixth-generation Jerusalemite and one of Israel's leading experts on the history and geography of the Jewish state. He was known affectionately to Israelis as "Gandhi," but his views were anathema to Palestinians. Zeevi advocated an untenable solution to the Palestinian issue: ousting them all from the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
To many Palestinians, his bloody murder was revenge for Israel's policy of "targeted killings" of more than 50 Palestinians, including bystanders, which, in turn, has been a matter of retaliation for intifada terror. The PFLP, a radical faction of Yasser Arafat's Palestine Liberation Organization, said Zeevi's killing was revenge for Israel's assassination of its leader, Mustafa Zibri, the highest-ranking Palestinian political leader killed in the intifada. Israel blamed him for organizing several car bombings.
It goes on and on.
Arafat condemned the killing of Zeevi and ordered his Palestinian Authority to round up the assailants--let's see if he makes good.
Amid the chaos, there was also wisdom this week. It came from Sari Nusseibeh, the new political representative of the Palestinians in East Jerusalem. Nusseibeh urged Palestinians to realize that a peace agreement incorporating a Palestinian state could only be achieved if Palestinians accept that Israel is here to stay--and that not all of their war refugees will return to homes in Israel. "We're telling the Israelis that we're going to kick you out . . . And in order to make sure that the Israelis get the message, people go out to a disco or restaurant and blow themselves up," Nusseibeh told The New York Times. "The whole thing is just crazy, ugly, totally counterproductive,"
A brave statement--too bad it got lost amid the daily spilling of blood in the Middle East.
Cleveland Plain Dealer
The president of the United States has important business to tend to on the other side of the globe, and will not be limited in his movement by terrorist threats.
That's the important message George W. Bush is sending to friend and foe alike as he travels to Shanghai for the gathering of the 21-nation Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum this week.
Yes, Washington is in the throes of anthrax anxiety, and U.S. and allied forces are pulverizing the hiding places of the Afghan Taliban, Osama bin Laden and his al Qaida zealots.
But Air Force One has an unparalleled communications system that will keep Bush in constant contact with both his capital and his commanders.
And Bush has a powerful message to deliver to the Asian leaders gathering in the locked-down security of that Pacific coastal megalopolis: America is still open for business, and free trade remains the best path for all out of the global economic doldrums.
It's important for Bush to meet with China's president, Jiang Zemin, to establish the sort of one-on-one relationship that Bush has formed with Russian President Vladimir Putin. It's important to talk about human rights and the world battle against terrorism with leaders whose own countries face formidable threats from those who would destroy through fear.
It's important, in short, to be the leader of the world's greatest symbol of freedom and hope. That's the image Bush will project in these meetings, and it's a vision the world sorely needs to see in these trying days.
Los Angeles Times
The annual Asian-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit offers presidents and prime ministers of 21 member countries, including the United States, a chance to size each other up and measure resolve on important issues. After Sept. 11 and the bombings in Afghanistan, there should be no doubt about U.S. resolve. Nor could other countries have missed the U.S. desire to hold together the coalition to stop Osama bin Laden and other terrorists.
The APEC forum, starting Friday in Shanghai, will also allow President Bush to reemphasize to nations with large numbers of Muslims, such as Indonesia and Malaysia, that the fight is against terror, not Islam. Both Indonesia and Malaysia have wrestled with Islamic fundamentalist movements, mostly without violence. But both have experienced kidnappings and other forms of terror, as has the Philippines. Their leaders can offer tactical insights and fraternal understanding.
Bush's original itinerary included stops in Japan and South Korea, plus meetings with Chinese leaders in Beijing. After Sept. 11 he reduced the trip to just a few days in Shanghai but will still hold one-on-one meetings with leaders including Presidents Vladimir V. Putin of Russia and Jiang Zemin of China. Both were quick to offer support in the campaign against terrorism, and both face Muslim dissidents within their borders. Bush has met Putin before, proclaiming that he found the Russian leader trustworthy. But this will be his first meeting with Jiang, and it comes after a difficult period in U.S.-China relations that included the downing of a U.S. Navy surveillance plane on Hainan Island and Beijing's loud objections to U.S. sales of weaponry to Taiwan. Bush was cool toward China in his political campaign last year, but because of the support Beijing offered after the terrorist attacks, the Chinese expect him to display a warmer attitude in Shanghai. Chinese arms sales to Pakistan are less likely to be a bone of contention now that Washington has lifted sanctions against Islamabad.
Trade will still be an important topic, if no longer No. 1. Given the global slowdown before the terrorist attacks and the increasing slump since then, Pacific Rim countries will only make matters worse if they try to retreat behind broad trade barriers. After the Asian economic crisis several years ago, countries such as South Korea bounced back by widening the door to foreign investment.
Individual meetings between heads of state are likely to be heavy on symbolism, but there is room for substantive discussion about attacking terrorism financially, politically and militarily. Washington needs help freezing bank accounts and tracking movements of suspected terrorists. It can offer intelligence information and other forms of assistance in return. Past summits often were more about image than achievement, but this one has a chance to produce valuable support for a necessary campaign.
San Francisco Chronicle
The Mideast peace process took a big blow yesterday, when Palestinian radicals gunned down Israeli Cabinet minister Rehavam Zeevi.
It was an atrocity that could throw the Mideast back into a vicious circle of bloodshed just at the time when the Bush administration most needs peace in the region.
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon reacted to the killing by reimposing a clampdown on the occupied territories. Sharon hinted that he may again send tanks and fighter planes to attack Palestinians.
This was a setback for U.S. diplomacy, which in recent days had succeeded in getting Sharon to end the clampdown and his practice of assassinating suspected Palestinian militants -- practices that made many Arabs and Muslims worldwide sympathize with Osama bin Laden's terrorist cause.
The killing of Zeevi is certainly a "despicable act that provided further evidence of the need to fight terrorism," as President Bush said yesterday. But it also demonstrates how hard-line Israeli policies can damage U.S. interests.
Despite having the innocuous title of tourism minister, Zeevi was an unapologetic extremist. He advocated the involuntary "transfer" of all Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza Strip to Arab nations -- a proposal that Palestinians and many Israelis condemned as amounting to ethnic cleansing.
Zeevi and other ultra-rightists provided key political support for Sharon's most aggressive policies toward the Palestinians, including the assassinations of suspected militants -- killings that many human-rights groups call a form of terrorism.
Since the Sept. 11 attacks in the United States, the Bush administration, which gives $3 billion a year in military and economic aid to Israel, has belatedly tried to pressure Sharon to take a softer line. Many Arab and Muslim nations have reacted skeptically, giving Bush only lukewarm support for the fight against terrorism.
For its part, Israel has legitimate reasons for demanding that Yasser Arafat do more to crack down on militant groups. Bush has correctly echoed Israeli calls for him to arrest the groups' leaders.
Arafat gave Bush a key boost last weekend by condemning bin Laden's use of the Palestinian cause as a justification for terrorism.
Despite yesterday's setback, Bush should continue his pressure on both Sharon and Arafat. Even-handedness on the Israel-Palestinian struggle is a strategic imperative for anti-terrorist alliance-building.
(Compiled by United Press International.)
