New York Times
An honest election in Zimbabwe next week could well end President Robert Mugabe's 22-year grip on power there. To prevent that, Mr. Mugabe has been doing all he can to deny a fair chance to the opposition Movement for Democratic Change. Voters have been arbitrarily disqualified, European and African election observers harassed and the opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, implausibly charged with treason. Should the opposition win anyway, army officers have pledged to keep Mr. Mugabe in power. Repressive new laws permit the banning of public rallies and silencing of critical reporting. A fraudulent election could seriously harm not only Zimbabwe, but also many of its neighbors. These countries, especially South Africa, need to take a stronger stand against Mr. Mugabe's attempts to suffocate democracy.
Zimbabwe was once one of southern Africa's most democratic and prosperous countries. Today it is a wreck that threatens the region's stability and prospects. The economy has been contracting sharply for three years. Average incomes have fallen dramatically and famine threatens.
The European Union imposed sanctions on Mr. Mugabe and his close cronies after the head of its team of election observers was expelled. Washington has rightly banned American visas for Mr. Mugabe's inner circle. But the impact of these measures has been blunted by the failure of South Africa's president, Thabo Mbeki, and the 14-country Southern African Development Community to take strong action too. Mr. Mugabe is still shielded by misplaced deference from Mr. Mbeki and other African leaders who view him as a former icon of the African liberation struggle.
The liberation Africa needs today is from deepening poverty, corrupt governments, shameful neglect by Western aid givers and the skittishness of foreign investors. Last month, Mr. Mbeki was in New York soliciting support for a farsighted international partnership designed to attack these problems head on, linking an African commitment to better governance with a call for greater international investment. By failing to take strong action against Mr. Mugabe's manipulations, Mr. Mbeki betrays the spirit of this promising initiative.
Boston Globe
The Cubans who crashed a bus into the Mexican Embassy in Havana Wednesday night are not alone in their desire to seek a new life abroad. If the United States does not manage its relations with Cuba better, a future Cuban government could use the threat of an emigration exodus as a weapon against the United States.
The Cubans sought refuge in the Mexican Embassy as a result of a misunderstanding. The exile station Radio Marti had quoted Jorge Castaneda, Mexico's foreign minister, as saying that ''the doors of the embassy of Mexico on the island are open to all Cuban citizens.'' On Wednesday night a group of Cubans hijacked a bus and rammed it into the gate. Twenty slipped into the embassy, where the shocked staff had to tell them that since they were seeking work abroad, not fleeing persecution, they didn't qualify for asylum.
President Fidel Castro rushed to the scene, perhaps to prevent a repeat of the occupation of the Peruvian Embassy by 10,000 would-be émigrés in 1980. ...
The 20 hijackers promised to stay in the embassy indefinitely. That's understandable given that they would become pariahs if they were forced to go home. Castro ought to let them emigrate to Mexico while improving security at all Havana embassies to discourage copycats.
That would neatly resolve the latest incident, but there is so much pent-up demand to leave Cuba that it is bound to explode into a crisis, and the destination of choice is usually not Mexico but the United States. ...
When Castro goes, Cuba will change, for better or worse, and the United States will bear the consequences of this transformation. When that day comes, U.S. policy makers should not be as surprised as the Mexican diplomats were when the bus hit their fence.
Washington Times
Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Abdullah has given Europe, the United States, the Arab world and Israel something to talk about. Though not in official terms, Prince Abdullah has floated a proposal that Israel pull back to its pre-1967 borders in exchange for peace with the Arab world.
We have been around this one a few times before. Still, the fact that the Saudi leader is talking of making peace in the current atmosphere of increased violence between Palestinians and Israelis is something to talk about. It has been welcomed by the Bush administration and the European Union. Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat has called it a "very strong platform" for Middle East peace, and Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon has said he is willing to meet with Saudi officials to discuss details.
If Prince Abdullah's proposal is supposed to be a starting point for discussions between Israelis and Palestinians, then it is worth exploring, especially if it creates the atmosphere needed for a cease-fire. Both the Bush administration and the Israelis, however, must remain committed to protecting the safety of Israeli civilians -- which would be compromised if Israel gives up land that protects its national security interests. ...
Vice President Cheney goes to the Middle East this month. He should encourage the Arab League to reconsider its hostility to Israel. The ultimate test of the Arab world's true intentions will be whether it is able to stop Palestinian terrorism. We're not holding our breath, and neither should Israel.
Washington Post
Zimbabwe's presidential election of March 9-10 is shaping up to be a travesty. The discredited government of President Robert Mugabe has employed thugs to intimidate opposition activists. It has bullied the judiciary and passed a law that effectively bans criticism of the government. What's more, Mr. Mugabe has seemed contemptuous of outsiders' concern. Foreign journalists have been kept out, and on Sunday a mob stoned a car carrying foreign election observers. The government recently revoked a visa it had granted to Sen. Russell Feingold (D-Wis.), chairman of the Senate's Foreign Relations subcommittee on Africa, alleging that "the time for this visit is not suitable."
The government's prize gesture toward pluralism this week has been to charge the opposition leader and two senior opposition officials with plotting to assassinate the president. There is no good reason to believe this accusation, and every reason to suspect it has been cooked up to throw Mr. Mugabe's rivals off balance. The government claims that Morgan Tsvangirai, the opposition leader, discussed killing Mr. Mugabe with a consultant in Canada who now is on Mr. Mugabe's payroll -- a bizarre notion on its face. The tape that the government has released to support its claim appears to have been edited. The State Department's spokesman has not hesitated to call the charges against Mr. Tsvangirai and his colleagues "another blatant example of President Mugabe's increasingly authoritarian rule." ...
In the final days of the campaign, southern African leaders need to join with the United States and the European Union in calling for a fair election. There are signs that this might have at least some effect. On Wednesday Zimbabwe's Supreme Court, perhaps emboldened by foreign outrage over the harassment of opposition leaders, struck down some of the new rules designed to stack the election in favor of the government. Yesterday a visit to Zimbabwe from Jacob Zuma, South Africa's deputy president, prompted Mr. Mugabe's deputy to retreat slightly on the accusations against Mr. Tsvangirai. In the coming week, Mr. Mugabe must be made to hear more from the international voices that he is so keen to shut out. Concerted condemnation from outside might yet get through to him.
(Compiled by United Press International.)
