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Outside View: The Pope and China

By HUBERTUS HOFFMANN, UPI Outside View Commentator

MUNICH, Germany, Dec. 5 (UPI) -- There are two cities on the globe in which L'Osservatore Romano -- the official newspaper of the Vatican -- is carefully studied word-for-word and whose reports and commentaries are paid special attention to: the Holy City in Rome and Beijing in the State Administration of Religious Affairs.

The latter is a kind of "Office of the Inquisition" of the Communist Party that ensures that for the People's Republic there is only one God in China: the Communist Party itself. The counterpart in Rome, the former Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, was for years the Catholic "Inquisitor," guardian of the pure teachings of the Pope. Currently, at the very top of Benedict XVI's wish list is the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Holy See and Beijing. Who will win: the Pope or Beijing?

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In 1951, only two years after Mao's rise to power the now atheistic and communist Beijing severed diplomatic relations with the Holy See. Since that time, the Vatican has maintained diplomatic relations only with the Republic of Taiwan. Essentially a government-controlled agency, the so-called Patriotic Union appoints all Catholic bishops without the usual prior approval of the Holy Father in Rome.

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The Catholic Church in the People's Republic of China has since been divided. Of the 12 million Catholics -- less than one percent of the population -- 8 million remain loyal to the Pope despite 54 years of harassment and persecution; a flock of 4 million belongs to the Patriotic Union of the communist government. Seventy-four bishops and 1,700 priests belong to the Patriotic Union, 46 bishops and 1,000 priests to the Church loyal to Rome.

For the Vatican, the People's Republic of China is of great strategic and historic importance. With 1.3 billion people, a dynamically growing economy, increasing influence in Asia, and full membership in the Security Council of the United Nations, the communist nation counts among the most important countries in the growth region of Asia as well as the world.

With its small flock of committed Chinese Catholics, Rome would like to make a positive contribution to developments in China. This is exactly what has transpired for some time now in the second important major power in Asia -- India -- which with one billion people, is of an almost equal size. There, the 17 million Catholics have taken on a series of influential government positions: George Fernandes from the former Portuguese colony Goa is the long-standing leader of the Socialist Party and the Rail Workers' Union, father of the Indian atomic bomb and was Defense Minister until 2001.

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The future of the Catholic Church lies in a well-educated, young, committed and influential elite in Asia. The Catholics have become catalysts among intellectuals in a relation far beyond their actual number.

What might the Pope and Beijing stand to gain by the establishment of diplomatic relations?

Even now, the youngest bishops in the world are guiding the Catholic Church in China -- the majority of newly appointed bishops range between the late 30s and mid-40s, and they grew-up from the very beginning in a communist dictatorship. In 2004, four out of five new bishops were under 40 years of age; in this year it was two out of three.

Before the opening of the Olympic Games in Beijing in 2008, a dream of the new Pope could be fulfilled: the establishment of diplomatic relations combined with a settled agreement regarding the manner in which new bishops are appointed, a new concordat with a guarantee of religious freedom for Catholics, an historic first visit from the Holy City to the Forbidden City, and thus a historic warming of relations between Beijing and the Vatican.

What might the Pope and Beijing stand to gain by the establishment of diplomatic relations?

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Reactions to this reconciliation by old-school Communist-Maoists, and in particular in the State Administration of Religious Affairs, ranges from dismissive to openly hostile. They stand for undiluted Maoist-Leninist teaching. Their dogma states economic freedom "yes", political freedom "no", religious freedoms only in private, but not in unofficial churches and organizations.

This still dominant group was responsible for the fact that the four Chinese bishops summoned by Benedict XVI to the important three-week World Synod of Bishops were prohibited from traveling to Rome -- supposedly due to "health concerns." Three of them had been recognized by the Beijing Government: bishop Anthony Li Duan from Xian, Aloysius Jin Luxian from Shanghai and bishop Luka Li Jingfeng from Fengsian. Only Joseph Wei Jingyi, bishop of Qiqihar, was not a part of the official State Church of China.

The Vatican responded to the refusal with an unusual gesture: the four seats intended for the Chinese visitors remained conspicuously empty -- an affront to prestige-obsessed Beijing occurring only a few weeks before the state visit to Britain, Germany and Spain by President Hu Jintao.

On Oct. 18, Papal Secretary of State Angelo Sadano read aloud a letter from the Chinese bishops to the Pope before the synod.

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On the occasion of the beatification ceremony on Oct. 1, 2000, Pope John Paul II said: "This is not the proper point in time to judge historic periods in China. This can and should be done at another." The proper time has now come for his successor.

On Oct. 22, 2005, the Vatican published the response to the letter from the more than 200 assembled bishops to their Chinese brothers. "We brothers of the synod send our brotherly and heart-felt wishes. Your absence has brought forth great sadness in our souls. The entire Church in China is in our hearts and prayers!"

One day later, Benedict XVI expressed the deep sadness of the bishops regarding their absence and spoke of a path of suffering of the Catholic Church in China which is present in the hearts of the bishops and will not remain fruitless.

Nevertheless, a new school of thought put forth by pragmatists is becoming increasingly stronger in Beijing and the provincial governments. As in the economic sphere, they stand for a silky pliability of China. There are positive signs providing nourishment to the desires of the Pope.

In April, the Chinese government invited the Order of the Sisters of Mother Teresa to China from Calcutta. In mid-July, Reverend Mother Nirmala visited the city Qingdao in Shangdong province.

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The books of the Catholic Church and the Pope's book Introduction to Christianity are sold in official book stores. Nevertheless, all religious works remain subject to strict censorship.

Until now, only a dozen of the 74 official state bishops have been recognized by the Pope. However, in the last two years, an acceptable practical concordance has developed regarding the practice of ordination between the Pope's claim to leadership and the political dominance of the Chinese central government.

The bishops Joseph Xing Wenzhi from Shanghai and Anthony Dang Mingyan from Xian have been acknowledged both by the government and the Holy See. This year there were three more instances of dual acknowledgement, among which was the appointment on Oct. 8 of Bishop Paul He Zeging in Szechuan province.

In the synod, the bishop of Hong Kong Joseph Ze-kuin Zen declared: "The majority of bishops of the official church are legitimized by the Holy Father through a Sensus Ecclesiae. Bishops without the blessing of Rome are indeed not acknowledged either by the congregation or the priests."

Today, new state bishops discreetly seek approval from the Vatican prior to their appointment by Beijing and inauguration in their parish.

The old Maoist school of thought has, for all practical purposes, collapsed.

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In the last 54 years, the Catholic Church could neither be put on Mao's leash nor cut off from the Vatican. It has not become extinct, but has rejuvenated itself.

The Chinese who "think around the corner," as Fritz Kraemer put it, could even see long-term advantages in the warming of relations.

Unlike the predominantly Catholic Poland of the revolutionary with his cross and miter by the name of John Paul II, Catholics present no threat to the claim to power of communists in Beijing -- their numbers are simply too small.

Even in the strictly communist and primarily Catholic nation of Cuba, the Vatican and dictator Fidel Castro have aligned in the last few years without damage to the powers of state. Alone among communist countries, Castro even ordered a national mourning for John Paul II, lasting several days.

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(Hubertus Hoffmann is founder and president of the Global Security Network Foundation in New York, the largest elite network for foreign and security policy worldwide. This article is reprinted by permission of WSN.)

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(United Press International's "Outside View" commentaries are written by outside contributors who specialize in a variety of important issues. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of United Press International. In the interests of creating an open forum, original submissions are invited.)

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