WASHINGTON, Nov. 29 (UPI) -- At the Iraq conference in Cairo organized by the Arab League participants agreed: "Although resistance is a legitimate right of all peoples, terrorism however does not represent legitimate resistance, so we condemn terrorism and acts of violence, murder and kidnapping." We must build on this consensus language. Now that for the first time the resistance has been acknowledged, a first test for how real the Cairo consensus on terrorism is will be the extent to which violence will subside in the run-up to the Dec. 15 elections -- or will not, as the case may be.
By all assessments, the U.S. administration's estimate of 18-24 months to build up Iraqi security forces, especially the police, to necessary levels of numbers and competency is unrealistic. Against that background enlisting nationalist elements of the insurgency into the domestic political process seems like the best hope to improve Iraq's internal security situation and thence make possible the withdrawal of "all foreign forces" and -- the ultimate goal -- the restoration of full sovereignty.
There are obvious preconditions for their inclusion in the process -- renunciation of terrorism, cessation of violence and the call for the withdrawal of "all foreign forces" from Iraq, including non-Iraqi insurgents.
Iraqis must be encouraged to view the forthcoming elections as a referendum on their willingness to claim their own national destiny. The time has come for Iraqis to stand up for what they know to be right and in their own best interest. Others can join in, or stand aside. The insurgents, although ostensibly not present at Cairo, must be further engaged in a discussion of "legitimate" versus "illegitimate" use of violence as part of "national liberation" from what they perceive to be a foreign occupation.
In Cairo, President Jalal Talabani was at first opposed to talking to the insurgents. It took the better part of the weekend, straight through Sunday morning, including the involvement of Moqtada al-Sadr, who was represented at the Conference by the Transport Minister, the Leader of the Supreme Council of Shia Clerics and the head of the Association of Muslim Scholars to get the president on board. "We want three points -- to condemn terrorism, and there must be a differentiation between resistance and terrorism, rejecting Baathists ... and establishing a timetable for the end of the occupation," the Transport Minister said, thus helping pave the way for the compromise language.
President Talabani has since confirmed that following Cairo he has been contacted by six insurgent groups. The Governor of Al-Anbar province has given orders to cease military operations, pending cessation of violence by the insurgents in his area. The Eminent Persons Group, an international advisory commission to the U.N. Secretary General reports increased back channel traffic with those elements of the resistance amenable to a historic compromise between Sunnis and Shiites on how to ensure voter turnout for the elections, and how to advance national reconciliation. There is also reason to hope that in his next letter Ayman al-Zawahiri, Osama bin Laden's second-in-command, may rein in Abu Musab al-Zarqawi on the decapitation of hostages, an outdated practice equally frowned upon by the Koran and the Bible.
Getting insurgents in Iraq to adopt the compromise language on terrorism could be a first strategic victory in the war on terrorism.
The developments of the past weeks bode well for the dual-track framework advanced by the secretary-general's good offices mission since spring. This envisions a "national reconciliation conference" to be convened under competent Iraqi authority. The objective is to integrate those nationalist elements of the insurgency amenable to political compromise into the political process, should they renounce terrorism and help improve Iraq's internal security situation.
While much unnecessary talk reverberates around "internationalizing" the Iraq Question, the dual-track framework supports its "internalization." Iraq for the Iraqis was the unifying clarion call at Cairo! We must heed this call. Thus, the Secretary-General's formula calls for Iraqis to be at the center of the process, which determines their national destiny. It will lend credibility to the undertaking, on which we are embarked and also relieve political pressures on outsiders, at home and abroad.
Where others envision the replacement of Coalition forces by another set of foreign forces, ongoing consultations with the relevant parties envision the withdrawal of all foreign forces and non-interference by outsiders. Iraqis are called upon to advance their own game plan in pursuit of their national destiny. As outsiders, we should offer our assistance as facilitators of the process. Public diplomacy must help differentiate the insurgents -- nationalist from jihadist insurgents, on the basis of what constitutes terrorism pursuant to the Security Council definition.
Within this context, the respective Sunni and Shiitee clerical leaderships can be of critical assistance in helping arouse popular sentiment and should be enlisted in support of the public diplomacy agenda to retake Iraq's cities and streets. We may not at first like the idea of clerical involvement. But, I come away from ongoing consultations with all relevant factions in Iraq with a sense that contrary to conventional wisdom the clerics could be possible guarantors of a secular Iraq, for as long as they have "a leading role" in religious matters, education, health care et al.
We should continue to encourage the clerical leadership to help mobilize Iraq's civilian population to take back the country's streets, hospitals, schools and mosques. Why do they not help empower Iraq's mothers and children, who suffer most under indiscriminate street violence? It is that sort of expression of popular will against indiscriminate violence and terrorism into which the insurgency could be absorbed and ultimately domesticated.
Externally, the dual-track framework envisions a reconfigured Middle East Quartet or a "contact group," possibly comprising the five permanent members of the Security Council, a desirable configuration of the United States, Russian Federation, the European Union and the United Nations as guarantors of Iraq's sovereignty. Involvement of regional powers, at the level of the Arab League or individual states should also be considered, to the extent advisable given certain outstanding issues.
(Albrecht Gero Muth serves as Deputy Executive Director of the Eminent Persons Group, an international advisory commission to the U.N. Secretary-General on special political affairs chaired by Alpha Oumar Konare, the Chair of the Commission of the African Union. The Group is actively engaged on the preparations for the national reconciliation conference scheduled to convene in Baghdad in spring 2006.)
--
(United Press International's "Outside View" commentaries are written by outside contributors who specialize in a variety of important issues. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of World Peace Herald and United Press International. In the interests of creating an open forum, original submissions are invited.)
