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Trump's return and the North Korea question: An urgent call for a realistic strategy

By Ri Jong Ho
Upon Donald Trump's return to the White House, only a clear, principled, and strategic approach will prevent North Korea from further embedding itself as a nuclear power. File Photo by Joe Marino/UPI
Upon Donald Trump's return to the White House, only a clear, principled, and strategic approach will prevent North Korea from further embedding itself as a nuclear power. File Photo by Joe Marino/UPI | License Photo

Nov. 12 (UPI) -- As Donald Trump returns to the White House, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un must be feeling complex emotions. For North Korea, the U.S. presidency -- just a four-year term -- is almost a blink of an eye compared to Kim's extended grip on power. Yet, who leads the United States profoundly affects North Korea's politics, economy, and international standing. And while Pyongyang's interest in U.S. elections has grown over the years, North Korea is under no illusion that a new administration will bring significant changes to American policy. However, if President Trump is to avoid repeating the mistakes of the past, his administration must adopt a realistic and principled strategy toward North Korea.

Trump's previous interactions with Kim Jong Un drew global attention and marked a bold shift from conventional diplomacy. But they were ultimately symbolic rather than substantive. To be frank, Trump's meetings with Kim did not bring North Korea any closer to denuclearization. Instead, they lent Kim a certain legitimacy on the world stage -- one that he has leveraged with increasing confidence, aligning more closely with powers like Russia.

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Since his first term, Trump has portrayed Kim as a "friend," a stance that weakens U.S. credibility and sacrifices universal values. I would caution against this approach. Kim Jong Un is not a democratically elected leader. He presides over an authoritarian state with a track record of severe human rights abuses. Praising such a figure harms American values and lowers the nation's standing. The world needs to see American leaders as advocates for freedom, dignity, and human rights, not as casual supporters of despots.

Trump may have returned to power with promises to reduce conflicts and improve global relations, but his second term faces unprecedented challenges. Beyond North Korea, he must contend with the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war, China's rising threat to Taiwan, and volatile relations in the Middle East. All of this while managing U.S.-China competition and persistent domestic concerns. In such a climate, North Korea will not be the top priority, and North Korea knows this. Kim Jong Un has observed that each American administration struggles to address its relationship with Pyongyang meaningfully, and his regime has become adept at exploiting these dynamics.

Yet if Trump aims to make real progress, he must shift from grand gestures to concrete, practical steps. He could start by showing that North Korea's nuclear program poses a direct threat to Kim's regime survival. Without denuclearization, there should be no guaranteed security for Kim. Anything less than this stance merely allows North Korea to continue its game of delay, holding onto its nuclear arsenal while enjoying intermittent economic relief.

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Trump's transactional approach -- "one for one" negotiations -- may yield some results. For example, he might be able to negotiate the temporary freezing or dismantling of select North Korean nuclear facilities in exchange for modest sanctions relief or limited economic support. But any agreement must be coupled with robust verification mechanisms. Without that, Kim will simply wait out Trump's term while keeping his nuclear ambitions intact.

Additionally, Trump must prioritize North Korean human rights. For years, North Korea has remained one of the world's most repressive regimes, denying its people basic freedoms and subjecting them to brutal repression. President Trump has an opportunity to incorporate human rights into the North Korea dialogue, working with South Korea, Japan, and, when possible, China, to pressure North Korea toward reforms. This approach would bolster American credibility and demonstrate a principled commitment to the people of North Korea, who deserve the same rights and freedoms enjoyed in much of the world.

If Trump genuinely wants to secure a legacy on the Korean peninsula, he must focus not just on holding summits but on achieving tangible results. His previous meetings with Kim were historic but ultimately failed to bring about real change. To make a difference, Trump needs a team equipped with a deep understanding of North Korea and a realistic strategy to dismantle its nuclear program.

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If we have learned anything from history, it's that North Korea will continue to seek out ways to delay, manipulate, and leverage its nuclear status for maximum advantage. That's why a new approach, grounded in pressure and pragmatism, is essential. Trump's administration must be clear-eyed and recognize the complex challenge of dealing with North Korea, pursuing not just optics but outcomes.

Only a clear, principled, and strategic approach will prevent North Korea from further embedding itself as a nuclear power.

Ri Jong Ho is a former senior North Korean economic official who served under all three leaders of the Kim family regime. His most recent role was in Dalian, China, where he headed the Korea Daehung Trading Corporation, overseen by the clandestine Office 39 under the direct control of the ruling Kim family. Before his assignment in Dalian, Jong Ho held pivotal positions, including Executive Director of the Daehung General Bureau of the North Korean Workers' Party, a role equivalent to Vice-Minister rank in the North Korean party-state. Subsequently, he was appointed Chairman of the Korea Kumgang Economic Development Group (KKG) under the North Korean Defense Committee by Kim Jong Il. Jong Ho is a recipient of the Hero of Labor Award, the highest civilian honor in North Korea. Following a series of brutal purges by Kim Jong Un, he defected with his family to South Korea in late 2014. Currently, Jong Ho resides in the greater Washington D.C. area.

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The views and opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of the author.

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