Subscribe | UPI Odd Newsletter Subscribe NEW YORK, July 20 (UPI) -- Liberia is one of those "you don'twanna know" countries. People think the media will print or broadcast anything, but Advertisement there's an unwritten line beyond which no reporter dares to venture. Imagine taking a 13-year-old boy, showing him how to fire an automatic weapon, giving him a ragtag uniform, and telling him that if he follows the orders of his superiors -- the 15-to-17- year-olds -- then he'll be allowed to rape women and girls right along with them. We don't really report those circumstances in wars except in vague detail. For the boy's first time out, though, he might be scared, so you show him how to ingest large quantities of drugs and alcohol. When they raze the village, they think he'll perform better if he's on auto-pilot. Besides, when he becomes an addict, he'll be Advertisement more pliable. We report the razed village, but we shy away from the glazed eyes of the pillagers. The boy will also learn how to use a machete, usually just to terrify people by hacking off a limb here and gouging out an eye there. If he practices, he'll be able to do it in a single blow, samurai-style, and the power will be so thrilling that after a while he won't have to be supervised. These maimings will turn up in a United Nations report one of these days, duly sanitized for the pages of a family newspaper. Because they were mostly boys, many of the Liberian militias of the early 1990s were fond of Halloween-party-type uniforms. Looted wedding dresses and shower caps were especially popular, although the proud Butt Naked Brigade fought, as their name implied, entirely nude except for tennis shoes. It made for good copy when reporters wrote about George Boley and Roosevelt Johnson, killer warlords who have long since been vanquished. (General Butt Naked, as he was known at the time, is retired and apparently atoning, as he now preaches the gospel on the streets of Monrovia.) Then when genuine elections were finally held in 1997, they Advertisement were supervised by Jimmy Carter's Carter Center, who pronounced them fair and honest -- and yet the people voted for Charles Taylor, one of these very warlords and, as it turned out, one who was not yet finished with his jungle atrocities. Now, with the country once again in chaos, Taylor has agreed to step down -- not such a big sacrifice, since his presidential term is over anyway -- but wants a guarantee of asylum in Nigeria. Everyone is waffling on the asylum issue, especially since the special prosecutor for his special war-crimes tribunal is ex- Pentagon official David Crane, but over the past several weeks Liberia has been popping up on the radar repeatedly as one of the places where we MUST intervene. But why? Why now? Intervention in Liberia is the very essence of nation-building, which President Bush expressly disavowed in the 2000 election campaign. There's no threat to national security from Liberia. There's no risk of the country turning Communist or militantly Islamic, because the people already love us. The boy armies would be reason enough, but we've never really let the boy armies affect us in the past. There's a Advertisement disconnect. It's "an African thing." Any kid exploited that way in America would be avenged with several life sentences, at the least, for the perpetrators. In Africa it's presented as something atrocious but sad. The only rationale given for intervention now is that we have a "special relationship" with Liberia, since the nation was established by freed American slaves in 1822 -- or, more properly, philanthropic whites who forced some tribal chieftains to sell land to the freed slaves -- just as neighboring Sierra Leone had been founded by freed British slaves a little earlier. But if this is the reason for intervention, why didn't we intervene in April 1980 when an illiterate Army sergeant named Samuel Doe hacked the president to death in his bed and then, in a drunken blood orgy, strapped his 13 ministers to telephone poles on the beach and slowly eviscerated them? That was the first time in 135 years that the American-style constitutional government of the country had been violated. Liberia, the only black African country that was never subject to colonialism, and the most stable one, was destroyed by a single act of brutal violence. That was the moment when U.S. Marines were needed. Advertisement I don't think anyone even agitated for intervention in 1980. We were in the middle of a presidential campaign, there were American hostages in Iran, we were boycotting the Moscow Olympics, and Jimmy Carter was not much of a send-in-the-troops sort of guy in the first place. But when he continued diplomatic relations with Samuel Doe -- and then when President Reagan propped up Doe with $60 million in military aid the following year -- our position was loud and clear: It was an African matter. Forget the likely killing of civilians accustomed to generations of peace. Forget the strategic military role Liberia played in World War II. Forget the Firestone rubber plantation, largest in the world. There was no talk of the "special relationship" in 1980 or 1981, when troops would have mattered and the constitution could have been saved. The fact is, we bailed on Liberia. And while we were bailing, the Charles Taylors of the world were moving into the void. Taylor is a chameleon, able to present himself as a tribal aborigine when he needs to (his mother was an aborigine, his father an American) and other times portraying himself as the heir to the American-backed True Whig Party, which ruled in the Advertisement western style up until 1980. Today he calls himself Ghankay Charles MacArthur Dapkana Taylor (and nobody calls him "Chuck"). But Taylor never had any affection for the True Whigs, who descend from the American slaves who settled the country between 1820 and 1865. As an economics student at Bentley College in Massachusetts during the 1970s, he was active in an anti-True Whig student group that once overran the Liberian UN office in New York as an act of agitation. After Samuel Doe and 16 fellow assassins mutilated the sleeping President William R. Tolbert, Taylor was on the first plane to Monrovia, where he ingratiated himself into Doe's administration, becoming director of the Liberian General Services Agency, only to flee the country four years later when Doe accused him of embezzling $900,000 that should have been used to buy stuff for the government. Ramsey Clark, who handled Taylor's political asylum case in the U.S., says the embezzlement charges may or may not have been true. It could have been Doe's way of getting rid of Taylor, but given what we now know about Taylor's penchant for diamonds, it could also be that his fingers were too sticky even by Liberian Advertisement standards. What we do know is that Taylor decided not to wait around for an INS hearing. Instead he broke out of the Plymouth County House of Corrections in Massachusetts and vanished into the hinterlands of the Ivory Coast. By 1990 he was leading one of the many boy armies that besieged Monrovia. That particular war ended in an equally grisly way. Doe was fooled by a truce, seized, beaten and mutilated on videotape -- while 2500 U.S. Marines waited on the outskirts of the city for their chance to evacuate American personnel. Then the nation descended into several years of looting, rape, pillage and chaos that claimed an estimated 200,000 lives, while first Bush, then Clinton basically kept their hands in their pockets. Special relationship anyone? Meanwhile, as Taylor grew to dominate the countryside, he recruited boy armies to support the RUF terrorists in Sierra Leone, and after they took the land around the diamond mines in that country, hot diamonds started passing through Liberia on their way to unscrupulous buyers in Russia, Israel and the U.S. (How many American brides with new wedding rings know they paid a commission to Samuel Taylor on the purchase?) He also used all Advertisement that ready cash to hire mercenary gangsters from Lebanon, Ukraine, Russia and some especially nasty neo-Nazi South Africans. And in his spare time, he sent money and men to support terrorists who would destabilize Guinea, another country he never liked. The story reads like "Scarface," except he was the elected president of a democratic country. In other words, Liberia didn't become rotten yesterday. Nothing has really changed there since 1980, when a free democratic system was overthrown by cutthroats. Why are we so hesitant to just SAY that, and say that our goal is to return to the pre-1980 Liberia? Because it would be politically incorrect to support the Americo-Liberians over the aborigines? It's the True Whigs, after all, who had started the liberalization process to bring aborigines into the mainstream -- a gesture of liberalism that ended up being their death sentence. And now there's talk of sending in a token force to make sure free elections are held. The last elections were free, too. Charles Taylor got 80 percent of the vote. Why? Because people were scared of him. It will be no different this time. What's needed is not another token Marine force, or another Carter Advertisement Center election, but a Paul Bremer for Liberia who will rip up the current way of doing things and start from scratch, with an eye to restoring influence to the civilized minority. It worked for Teddy Roosevelt in 1909, when Liberia was all but bankrupt and in danger of becoming unstable; Roosevelt simply set up a commission to reorganize things, and forced the international banking system to help. By 1952 the nation was debt-free. If we're getting into nation-building, let's not be half-assed about it. Until that happens, our "special relationship" will just breed more boy armies, rendering the countryside so dangerous that no man, woman or child is safe, and Liberia won't be good for anything except registering your tanker. * Joe Bob Briggs writes a number of columns for UPI and may be contacted at [email protected] or through his Web site at joebobbriggs.com. Snail mail: P.O. Box 2002, Dallas, Texas 75221.