WASHINGTON -- Buoyed by support at home and abroad, President Bush vowed Tuesday to drive Iraq from Kuwait through concerted international action and hailed the 'new partnership of nations' that has risen to oppose the aggression of Saddam Hussein.
'Iraq will not be permitted to annex Kuwait,' Bush bluntly declared in a nationally televised speech to a joint session of Congress. 'That's not a threat or a boast. That's just the way it's going to be.'
Touting American resolve and the emergence of 'a new world order' from the first major conflict of the post-Cold War era, Bush laid out the challenges and responsibilities driving U.S. involvement in the 5- week-old Persian Gulf crisis.
America, he said, 'must defend common vital interests' -- not the least of which is access to oil -- and take the lead in standing up to those who flout 'the rule of law' and pursue aggression against their neighbors.
In the case of Kuwait, he said, Iraq 'is literally trying to wipe a country off the face of the Earth' in a bid to control 20 percent of the world's known oil reserves. 'We cannot permit a resource so valuable to be dominated by one so ruthless,' he said. 'And we won't.'
'In the face of tyranny, let no one doubt American credibility and reliability. Let no one doubt our staying power,' he warned. 'We will stand by our friends. One way or another, the leader of Iraq must learn this fundamental truth.'
Interrupted by applause more than two dozen times during a 32-minute speech that also prodded Congress for action on the budget, Bush renewed his prediction that Iraq ultimately will capitulate under the weight of U.N.-ordered economic sanctions, while making clear that repulsing Iraqi aggression will not be done quickly or easily.
To those concerned that the United States is being forced to go it alone, foresaken by friends and allies, he said he sought from the outset 'to fashion the broadest possible international response' to the Aug. 2 invasion of Kuwait and added, 'The level of cooperation and condemnation of Iraq is unprecedented.'
In the Democratic response, House Democratic leader Richard Gephardt, D-Mo., signaled no change in the broad bipartisan backing Bush has enjoyed, agreeing the situation constitutes 'a cause worth standing and fighting for.'
'We are now in the Persian Gulf not simply for oil or to save emirs and kings,' he said, 'but to defend the most fundamental values of a more stable and decent world.'
At the same time, Gephardt called on wealthy U.S. allies, particularly Japan and West Germany, to 'respond to our potential sacrifice of lives with at least a financial sacrifice of their own' by making bigger contributions to the gulf effort.
The catalyst for the speech was Sunday's summit in Helsinki between Bush and Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev, which ended with a historic show of superpower solidarity squarely directed against Saddam.
Though their embrace of shared goals masked differences over how to achieve them, Bush was optimistic that Washington and Moscow, for years protagonists in such regional conflicts, will now cooperate to prevent or resolve them.
'Clearly, no longer can a dictator count on East-West confrontation to stymie concerted U.N. action against aggression,' he said. 'A new partnership of nations has developed.
'We stand today at a unique and extraordinary moment. The crisis in the Persian Gulf, as grave as it is, also offers a rare opportunity to move toward an historic period of cooperation.'NEWLN: more
Bush acknowledged the cost of American leadership 'can be steep,' but welcomed material and financial contributions from Japan, European allies and moderate Arab states to the U.S.-led multinational force and nations that suffer from curtailed economic relations with Iraq.
Hours before, Defense Secretary Dick Cheney disclosed that the United States, one of more than two dozen countries with forces committed to the region, had 'well in excess of 100,000' soldiers, sailors and airmen there at a cost running around $50 million a day and estimated at $15 billion for fiscal 1991.
It was economic pressure rather than military threats, however, that Bush portrayed as the most potent weapon against Saddam.
With U.S. and other warships patrolling shipping lanes, he contended Iraq 'is feeling the heat' from a trade embargo denying it oil revenues and imports of vital goods, including military spare parts and industrial equipment.
Despite what the White House described as 'small seepages' in the embargo, including overland shipments of food from Jordan and the arrival of some goods in Baghdad by air, Bush said, 'these sanctions are working.'
'I cannot predict just how long it will take to convince Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait. Sanctions will take time to have their full intended effect,' he said. 'We will continue to review all options with our allies, but let it be clear: We will not let this aggression stand.'
Bush spoke with compassion for the thousands of Americans and other foreign nationals trapped in Iraq and Kuwait at the time of the invasion and since held as hostages, but said, 'America and the world will not be blackmailed.'
The defense of his response to the gulf crisis was timely, coming two days after the Helsinki summit, but not politically crucial.
Although several members of Congress had advised Bush to use such a high-profile forum to explain his motivations and objectives, polls have not detected any urgent need for a bold appeal for public support.
A Washington Post-ABC News poll Tuesday found an 81 percent approval rating for Bush's handling of the crisis, though many Americans remain wary of where events might lead, divided over the use of force to push Iraq out of Kuwait, the likelihood of war and the prospect of a permanent American military presence in the region even if the current conflict ends peacefully.
On balance, Americans share Bush's view the United States has a right and duty to lead the international effort against Iraq, if concerned about the costs and levels of participation by Japan and European allies.
It is the uncertain duration of the U.S. intervention that has some politicians worried. Bush, however, was careful to avoid speculating on the probability or consequence of a protracted standoff.
'Let me thank all Americans, especially those in this chamber, for your support for our forces and their mission,' he said. 'That support will be even more important in the days to come.'
Bush had held out slim hope of using the speech to announce progress in deficit-reduction talks with Congress, which continued through a fifth day Tuesday with reports of narrowed differences but agreement not yet in hand.
With some sources forecasting success within 48 hours, Bush said he was 'pleased with recent progress,' but emphasized 'now it's time to produce' a deal to cut the deficit by $500 billion over five years.
'In the final analysis,' he said, 'our ability to meet our responsibilities abroad depends upon political will and consensus at home.'
Though Bush has addressed the gulf crisis in numerous speeches, news conferences and interviews, Tuesday night marked the first prime-time attempt to fully detail his aims and objectives.
Along with praise for a revitalized United Nations, he saluted the American troops in the desert of Saudi Arabia and the waters of the Middle East and said, 'I wish I could say their work was done, but we all know it is not.'
To date, the Persian Gulf conflict has been played out not with arms but images. And in an escalation of that war of the airwaves, Bush will videotape an 8- to 10-minute message Wednesday for possible broadcast on Iraqi television.
The White House seized on an invitation Thursday from Baghdad as a chance for Bush to convey his views, unfiltered by Iraqi censors, to the Iraqi people just as Saddam has spoken to Western audiences through interviews and televised statements.
There are strong doubts, however, that his message, set to include a desire for peace with Iraq's people if not its leader, will be shown. Since the original invitation was for an interview, it was not at all clear the offer of access would apply to a videotaped speech.
The White House, however, will exploit the full public relations value of the message in any event. If the Iraqis do not air it, the tape will be widely distributed here and in the Arab world. Saddam will once again be painted by the White House as a tyrant hiding the truth from his own people and one who cannot be taken at his word.
'In the face of tyranny, let no one doubt American credibility and reliability. Let no one doubt our staying power,' he declared. 'We will stand by our friends. One way or another, the leader of Iraq must learn this fundamental truth.'
The speech afford Bush the chance to renew his prediction that Iraq ultimately will capitulate under the weight of U.N.-ordered economic sanctions, while making clear that repulsing Iraqi aggression will not be done quickly or easily.
To those concerned that the United States is being forced to go it alone in the gulf, foresaken by friends and allies, Bush noted that he has sought from the outset 'to fashion the broadest possible international response' to the Aug. 2 invasion of Kuwait and said, 'The level of cooperation and condemnation of Iraq is unprecedented.'NEWLN: more
The catalyst for the speech was Sunday's summit in Helsinki between Bush and Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev, which ended with a historic show of superpower solidarity squarely directed against Saddam.
Though their embrace of shared goals masked continued differences over the means to achieve them, Bush remained buoyed that the United States and the Soviet Union, for years protagonists in such regional conflicts, may now cooperate in the post-Cold War world to prevent or resolve them.
'Clearly, no longer can a dictator count on East-West confrontation to stymie concerted U.N. action against aggression,' he said. 'A new partnership of nations has developed.'
Bush acknowledged that the cost of American leadership abroad 'can be steep,' but welcomed material and financial contributions pledged by Japan, European allies and moderate Arab states to support the U.S.- orchestrated stand against Saddam and nations that suffer from a cutoff of trade with Iraq.
Hours before, Defense Secretary Dick Cheney disclosed that the United States, one of more than two dozen countries with forces committed to the faceoff against Iraq, had 'well in excess of 100,000' soldiers, sailors and airmen in the Persian Gulf region at a cost running around $50 million a day and estimated at $15 billion for fiscal 1991.
It was economic pressure rather tha military threats, however, that Bush portrayed as the most potent weapon against Saddam.
With U.S. and other warships patrolling shipping lanes to and from Iraq, he contended Iraq 'is feeling the heat' from a trade embargo denying it oil revenues and imports of vital goods, including military spare parts and industrial equipment.
Despite what the White House earlier called 'small seepages' and 'some small infractions around the edges,' including overland shipments of food from Jordan and the arrival of some goods by air, Bush said, 'these sanctions are working.'
'I cannot predict just how long it will take to convince Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait. Sanctions will take time to have their full intended effect,' he said. 'We will continue to review all options with our allies, but let it be clear: We will not let this aggression stand.'NEWLN: more
Bush spoke with compassion for the thousands of Americans and other foreign nationals trapped in Iraq and Kuwait at the time of the invasion and since held as hostages, but said their plight will not influence American policy.
'America and the world will not be blackmailed,' he said.
The defense of his response to the gulf crisis was timely, coming two days after the Helsinki summit, but not politically crucial.
Although several members of Congress advised Bush over the last few weeks to use such a high-profile forum to explain his motivations and objectives, polls have not detected any urgent need for a bold appeal for public support.
A new Washington Post-ABC News poll showed Tuesday that support for Bush's handling of the gulf crisis has remained high and even increased over the past month to an overall approval rating of 81 percent, though many Americans remain wary of where events might lead.
The poll found sharp divisions over the use of force to push Iraq out of Kuwait, the likelihood of war and the prospect of a permanent American military presence in the region even if the current conflict ends peacefully.
On balance, Americans appear to share Bush's view the United States has a right and responsibility to lead the international effort against Iraq, if concerned about the costs and levels of participation by Japan and European allies.
It is the uncertain duration of the U.S. intervention in the gulf that has some politicians worried. Bush, however, has been careful to avoid speculation on the probability or consequence of a protracted standoff devoid of hostilities.
'Let me thank all Americans, especially those in this chamber, for your support for our forces and their mission,' he said. 'That support will be even more important in the days to come.'
Bush had held out slim hope of using the speech to announce progress in deficit-reduction talks with Congress, which continued through a fifth day Tuesday with reports of narrowed differences but agreement not yet in hand.
With some sources forecasting success within 48 hours, Bush said he was 'pleased with recent progress,' but emphasized that 'now it is time to produce' a deal to cut the deficit by $500 billion over five years.
'In the final analysis,' he said, 'our ability to meet our responsibilities abroad depends upon political will and consensus at home.'NEWLN: more
Though Bush has addressed the gulf crisis in numerous speeches, news conferences and interviews over the past five weeks, Tuesday night marked his first prime-time appearance before the American people to detail his aims and objectives.
Along with praise for a revitalized United Nations, he saluted the morale of the American troops in the desert of Saudi Arabia and the waters of the Midele East. 'I wish I could say their work was done,' he said, 'But we all know it is not.'
To date, the Persian Gulf conflict has been played out not with arms but images. And in what may turn out to be an escalation of that war of the airwaves, Bush will videotape an 8- to 10-minute message Wednesday for possible broadcast on Iraqi television.
The White House seized on an invitation Thursday from Baghdad as a chance for Bush to provide his view, unfiltered by Iraqi censors, to the Iraqi people just as Saddam has spoken to Western audiences through interviews and official televised statements.
There are strong doubts, however, that his message, set to include a desire for peace with Iraq's people if not its leader, will be shown. Since the original invitation was for an interview, it was not at all clear the offer of access would apply to a videotaped speech.
The White House, however, will exploit the full public relations value of the message in any event. If the Iraqis do not air it, the tape will be widely distributed here and in the Arab world. Saddam will once again be painted by the White House as a tyrant hiding the truth from his own people and one who cannot be taken at his word.
