LONDON -- It is hard to believe, but 17 months ago Margaret Thatcher was Britain's most unpopular prime minister since World War II.
Yet in the space of one month in 1982, she turned her 'Iron Lady' image from an election liability into a dazzling vote-getter.
For that, she can thank the 74-day Falklands war.
It is hard to believe, but 17 months ago Margaret Thatcher was Britain's most unpopular prime minister since World War II.
Yet in the space of one month in 1982, she turned her 'Iron Lady' image from an election liability into a dazzling vote-getter.
For that, she can thank the 74-day Falklands war.
In the campaign leading to Thursday's election, the 'Falklands factor' had been curiously missing until the final week when the opposition Labor Party suddenly raised it to show how Mrs. Thatcher 'glories in slaughter.'
Mrs. Thatcher retorted by accusing Labor of exceeding 'all bounds of public or political decency' by resorting to such an attack.
Until then, Mrs. Thatcher's Conservatives had held back on any outright exploitation of Britain's victory in the war last summer against Argentina, saying it would never dream of 'misusing a national emergency' to win votes.
Yet. Mrs. Thatcher seemed set for a landslide election victory mainly because of the Falklands -- the 'little' war that stole Britain's battered heart for three months in the spring and summer of 1982.
When Argentina invaded the Falklands on April 2, Mrs. Thatcher's 3-year-old government was near its nadir.
A poll in January gave her the worst rating of any prime minister since the big war. Only 25 percent of those polled expressed satisfaction with her performance.
Unemployment was rising, interest rates were climbing, the government's budget cutback efforts were in shambles, the nation was reeling from summer riots.
Observers offered odds that the Conservative Party would dump Mrs. Thatcher as leader before the next election. Her cabinet was in open revolt.
Then came the Falklands.
'The impact of the Falklands war on Mrs. Thatcher and the course of her government cannot be overstated,' said The Economist magazine.
'Had it not occurred, it is probable that pressure from within and outside the government would by late summer have driven Mrs. Thatcher into a major reflationary package or into resignation.'
But for three crucial months, her cabinet battles and her dismal economic record were shelved.
'The prime minister found herself with an issue which brought out her most distinctive qualities: decisiveness, distrust of critics and doubters, love of simple issues easily conveyed to the public,' the magazine said.
Before the Falklands, the Conservatives had been in humiliating third place in the polls for almost a year. Afterwards, their lead was 20 percent.
From her dismal 25 percent 'satisfaction' rating in January, by May -- with Argentine troops about to surrender in Port Stanley -- Mrs. Thatcher hit a high of 60 percent.
She could do no wrong. Unemployment passed 3 million but her lead held. The Social Democrats ran a series of ads showing Mrs. Thatcher as the Tin Man from 'The Wizard of Oz,' wailing, 'If I only had a heart.' It backfired.
In analyzing Mrs. Thatcher's post-Falklands appeal, University of Essex Prof. Ivor Crewe likened Britain's mood to America's.
'There's a bit of a cult for strong leadership now, partly induced by Falklands,' he said. 'Think of the United States -- first there was the imperial presidency (Richard Nixon), then the humble cozy fireside president (Jimmy Carter), then you went back to strong leadership (Ronald Reagan).
'It's the same in Britain today,' he said, 'which is why Maggie is winning the 'him-her' battle.'
'Him' is Michael Foot, leader of the Labor Party which is still trailing an average 17 points behind Mrs. Thatcher a year after the Falklands.
Mrs. Thatcher's marketing director, Chris Lawson, pledged with obvious distaste that he would 'absolutely not' use the Falklands in any campaign advertising. But the Falklands factor is discretely there, said the magazine Private Eye.
It said Mrs. Thatcher made it clear to the BBC that she wanted to be followed around by Brian Hanrahan, who did most of the BBC's reporting from the Falklands war.
The BBC replied with uncharacteristic decisiveness, Private Eye said.
Hanrahan is covering Foot.
The Conservative Party says it would never dream of 'misusing a national emergency' to win votes. Mrs. Thatcher modestly avoids the issue unless asked. Opposition parties know a minefield when they see one.
Yet. Mrs. Thatcher seemed set for a landslide election victory mainly because of the Falklands -- the 'little' war that stole Britain's battered heart for three months in the spring and summer of 1982.
When Argentina invaded the Falklands on April 2, Mrs. Thatcher's 3-year-old government was near its nadir.
A poll in January gave her the worst rating of any prime minister since the big war. Only 25 percent of those polled expressed satisfaction with her performance.
Unemployment was rising, interest rates were climbing, the government's budget cutback efforts were in shambles, the nation was reeling from summer riots.
Observers offered odds that the Conservative Party would dump Mrs. Thatcher as leader before the next election. Her cabinet was in open revolt.
Then came the Falklands.
'The impact of the Falklands war on Mrs. Thatcher and the course of her government cannot be overstated,' said The Economist magazine.
'Had it not occurred, it is probable that pressure from within and outside the government would by late summer have driven Mrs. Thatcher into a major reflationary package or into resignation.'
But for three crucial months, her cabinet battles and her dismal economic record were shelved.
'The prime minister found herself with an issue which brought out her most distinctive qualities: decisiveness, distrust of critics and doubters, love of simple issues easily conveyed to the public,' the magazine said.
Before the Falklands, the Conservatives had been in humiliating third place in the polls for almost a year. Afterwards, their lead was 20 percent.
From her dismal 25 percent 'satisfaction' rating in January, by May -- with Argentine troops about to surrender in Port Stanley -- Mrs. Thatcher hit a high of 60 percent.
She could do no wrong. Unemployment passed 3 million but her lead held. The Social Democrats ran a series of ads showing Mrs. Thatcher as the Tin Man from 'The Wizard of Oz,' wailing, 'If I only had a heart.' It backfired.
In analyzing Mrs. Thatcher's post-Falklands appeal, University of Essex Prof. Ivor Crewe likened Britain's mood to America's.
'There's a bit of a cult for strong leadership now, partly induced by Falklands,' he said. 'Think of the United States -- first there was the imperial presidency (Richard Nixon), then the humble cozy fireside president (Jimmy Carter), then you went back to strong leadership (Ronald Reagan).
'It's the same in Britain today,' he said, 'which is why Maggie is winning the 'him-her' battle.'
'Him' is Michael Foot, leader of the Labor Party which is still trailing an average 17 points behind Mrs. Thatcher a year after the Falklands.
Mrs. Thatcher's marketing director, Chris Lawson, pledged with obvious distaste that he would 'absolutely not' use the Falklands in any campaign advertising. But the Falklands factor is discretely there, said the magazine Private Eye.
It said Mrs. Thatcher made it clear to the BBC that she wanted to be followed around by Brian Hanrahan, who did most of the BBC's reporting from the Falklands war.
The BBC replied with uncharacteristic decisiveness, Private Eye said.
Hanrahan is covering Foot.
