Quebec has a new government, put into control of the French-speaking province of Canada in an election that was quiet and certainly no revolution.
Jean Charest, who only 15 years ago came within an ace of being the leader of the federal Progressive Conservative Party and so the prime minister of Canada, now will be the premier of Quebec because he has been the leader of the Quebec Liberal Party in recent years.
He replaces Bernard Landry, who moved up through the government ranks after the Parti Quebecois lost the 1995 referendum authorizing negotiations leading toward sovereignty for Quebec. The vote on that referendum was razor thin, 50.6 percent to 49.8 percent, resulting in a softening of the demand for sovereignty and greater emphasis on rebuilding the Quebec economy.
Charest has said his government will seek closer relations with the federal Liberal Party of Prime Minister Jean Chretien, hoping that will result in more financial assistance from Ottawa to reform the Quebec health and hospital program, which has been in increasing difficulty. He had pitched his campaign on such proposals, working hard in the rural areas of the province that remain solidly French-speaking and so the core of the PQ.
Some Canadians say Charest won the election because Landry defeated himself.
An economist, Landry did much to improve the economy of Quebec. He actively recruited many new industries, particularly those in the new scientific fields. He spearheaded the campaign to rebuild downtown Montreal, in large part to attract those industries. His provincial budgets wiped out deficits. Education was a high priority in Landry governments, providing the capable workers those new science-based industries needed. Unemployment was much lower in Montreal than in many other cities.
But Landry suffered from a quick and hot temper, leading him to make outrageous statements such as referring to the Canadian maple leaf flag as "that red rag." Ottawa had offered funding for a new federal building in Quebec and naturally stipulated it would fly the Canadian flag rather than the fleur-de-lis blue of Quebec. Landry apparently thought he could stir the separatist sentiment by demanding the right to adorn the building with the Quebec flag. Of course, it outraged Canadians from coast to coast and even many Quebeckers expressed disapproval. There were many such bloopers.
And Landry never would let go of the separatist issue even when public opinion polls showed interest in both sovereignty and the language issues lagging.
There was one new factor in this election. A young Liberal Party member, sensing dissatisfaction with both older parties, had announced formation of Action Democratique du Quebec. Mario Dumont was sharp and aggressive. He was generally credited with winning the March 31 debate among the leaders of the contending parties. But his call for "vote for change" was co-opted by Charest and Landry took over his promise to "reconcile work and family." Still, the ADQ won four by-elections in 2002, giving it five seats in the Quebec National Assembly.
As the dull campaign moved toward a conclusion, the ADQ appeal weakened. It won only four seats in the new parliament.
Inevitably, the Parti Quebecois loss caused speculation the separatist movement is dead. But recent polls show that about 25 percent of Quebec voters consider themselves dedicated separatists and another 25 percent as "soft" separatists. Given a provocative issue sometime in the future, it still appears possible that the PQ could return.
The future now lies in the votes of Quebeckers who were born after 1960 and so have no direct knowledge of the problems that caused their parents to stage the quiet revolution. Most have had good educations and many became bilingual because they knew that was necessary for success in the business world. They don't have the "fire in the belly" that the last generation had.
Many of the younger generation have traveled abroad. They may be more inclined to look to the United States as a model for their future. They still are proud of their French music and writers and they still read French language newspapers and magazines. But they are pragmatic about the changing times.
So long as the economy provides the good life they have been experiencing, they are not likely to stage another revolution.
